







Please Follow us on Gab, Minds, Telegram, Rumble, Gettr, Truth Social, Twitter, YouTube, Instagram
Chris Murphy is spending the final stretch before the 2026 midterms not on Connecticut’s problems, but on elevating some of the most extreme Democrats on the national map while simultaneously stoking the next round of “No Kings” protests.
He is campaigning for and fundraising for Abdul El-Sayed in Michigan, Angie Nixon in Florida, and Peggy Flanagan in Minnesota. These are not center-left candidates. They sit at the outer edge of the Democrat Party on Israel, immigration, policing, and the role of government. Murphy has called El-Sayed a “potentially transformational” senator and insisted he is somehow “mainstream” on the Middle East. That is not credible.
El-Sayed has labeled Israel’s war in Gaza a genocide, called for cutting U.S. military aid, supported Medicare for All, and spoken of abolishing ICE. More troubling are the associations. Fox News’ Bill Melugin reported that El-Sayed’s campaign has taken more than $100,000 from donors linked to the Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR). El-Sayed’s father-in-law has held leadership roles with CAIR-Michigan and the Islamic Society of North America—both named in the Holy Land Foundation terror-financing case. After El-Sayed told NBC’s Meet the Press that neither he nor his family has ties to the Muslim Brotherhood, Melugin highlighted 2012 social media posts from El-Sayed’s half-sister stating that the family “has long been MB” and that their mother was active in the group in Egypt. The campaign’s response was essentially that the attacks are “racist” and already “debunked.” Voters can read the posts and the donation records themselves.
In Florida, Murphy is pushing “serious money” for Angie Nixon, the DSA-aligned state representative who upset the party establishment. Nixon has called for abolishing prisons (likening them to “modern-day slavery”), Medicare for All, a wealth tax, and free childcare. She has also repeatedly headlined CAIR-Florida fundraising galas, publicly calling the group “the right vehicles” for Democrat electoral success and declaring herself in “solidarity” with it—even as Florida has formally designated CAIR a domestic terrorist organization. Murphy’s rationale is that Democrats should not “sleep on Florida.” The more relevant question is why a Connecticut senator is elevating a candidate who treats a group her own state has labeled a terrorist organization as a political ally.
Peggy Flanagan, Minnesota’s lieutenant governor, completes the pattern. She has described Israel’s actions in Gaza as genocide, talked about “ripping ICE apart,” and been endorsed by Bernie Sanders and Ilhan Omar. She has also drawn attention for wearing a hijab while expressing solidarity with Minnesota’s Somali community amid massive fraud investigations. Murphy’s pitch is that the Senate needs more Democrats willing to “more aggressively take on corporate power.” The practical result is more members aligned with the most radical elements of the progressive left—including those comfortable with groups and networks repeatedly tied to the Muslim Brotherhood and Hamas.
This comes immediately after Murphy’s trip to Qatar and Saudi Arabia. A New York Sun editorial labeled it “Murphy of Arabia,” noting he appeared to lobby against the administration’s approach while soft-pedaling issues with Gulf partners and advancing positions that weaken Israel and U.S. leverage against Iran. Murphy has previously met with Iranian Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif. He has also hyped the October “No Kings” protests he plans to join in Connecticut, directing roughly $40,000 from his PAC to local Indivisible groups. OpenSecrets and FEC records show Soros Fund Management and Alexander Soros Foundation-linked money among his major contributors and leadership PAC receipts.
Time and time again, Murphy demonstrates he is nothing more than a national progressive operator using his platform to boost candidates who are not only radical on domestic policy but also unusually friendly with organizations long linked to the Muslim Brotherhood and CAIR. All of this comes at the same time that Connecticut Democrats have opened the door for CAIR-CT—and even a national CAIR consultant—to help design the optional Islamic and Arab studies curriculum materials the State Department of Education is now developing under Public Act 26-1, an effort CAIR itself presents as a way to combat “Islamophobia.”






